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This article contextualizes the writing, reception, and impact of Gary Becker's first book, The Economics of Discrimination, in order to deepen our understanding of the relationships between economics and the other social sciences. First, we study the social scientific work on race relations prior to Becker's book, work that was heavily influenced by the work of the economist Gunnar Myrdal and criticized for lacking an underlying theoretical framework. Second, we analyze the novelty of Becker's contribution. Becker's book introduced nonpecuniary motives into the neoclassical framework so as to respond to the criticisms leveled by institutional economists against the marginal analysis of labor markets. In doing so, Becker attempted to redefine the relationship between economists and other social scientists. Third, we study the reaction to Becker's redefinition of disciplinary territories, which illustrated the current debates within sociology and labor economics. Finally, we study the impact of Becker's book on social scientific research in the 1960s.

This article investigates the expansion of the scope of economics in the 1960s. We show that the public policy problems raised by the issue of poverty reinforced the expansion, as economists became progressively involved in the social issues of the day. Until the early 1960s, poverty was a neglected issue, as most Americans had experienced an increase in their living conditions since the late 1940s. In such a context of affluence, the rediscovery of poverty came as a shock, and it drove scholars and the government to address many poverty-related problems. Defined as relative deprivation, poverty linked low income to many social issues, thus blurring the traditional boundary separating economics from the other social sciences. As a result, economists and other social scientists contributed to the social scientific literature on these problems, which raised the following question: to what extent could economists be considered as legitimate advisers on social policy? We study how Washington economists came to tackle poverty-related issues through, among other things, the work of CEA members and the development of social indicators by Mancur Olson at the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. This growing influence of economists sheds light on the emerging economic analyses of social phenomena, such as human capital theory, health economics, and the economic analysis of crime, which appeared as valuable tools for public policy. We also study the reaction of other social scientists (mainly sociologists and political scientists) to the economists' growing influence, by studying the debates regarding the possible creation of a Council of Social Advisers, which would complement the work of economists as public policy advisers. Although critical of economics, many other social scientists were unwilling to get involved in social policy-making, which, ultimately, strengthened the image of economists as experts on social policy.

This thesis studies the expansion of the scope of economics to the study of phenomena traditionally considered to lie outside of the domain of economics. We claim that such a development came with the expansion of the domain of government intervention from the late 1940s on, which raised interdisciplinary questions. What was considered to be "economic", "social" or "political" phenomena evolved and blurred. In return, this stimulated economists to overstep the traditional disciplinary boundaries. We identify three steps in the expansion of the scope of economics. First, in the context of the Cold War society, economists progressively studied political phenomena such as the problem of collective choice. Second, in the 1960s, and more precisely during Lyndon Johnson's presidency, economists became progressively interested in the study of social problems related to the notion of poverty, such as discrimination, education, crime or public health. Finally, in the 1970s, the last step of the development of the scope of economics was characterized by the progressive fading of any a priori disciplinary boundaries. Vindicated by the success of their economic approach to political and social phenomena, some economists argued that their discipline was not defined by its field of analysis, but rather by its tools. ; Cette thèse explore l'élargissement du champ d'analyse de la science économique hors de ses frontières traditionnelles, vers l'étude de phénomènes aussi divers que la discrimination, le comportement politique ou encore les comportements familiaux. Nous soutenons qu'une telle évolution s'accompagna de l'élargissement du domaine d'intervention de l'Etat aux Etats-Unis à partir de la deuxième moitié des années 1940, qui stimula l'émergence de questions « aux frontières » des sciences sociales. Ainsi, la perception de ce qui relève de l'économique, du social ou du politique s'en trouva brouillée. En retour, ces évolutions favorisèrent le franchissement des barrières disciplinaires par les économistes. Nous identifions trois étapes distinctes dans l'évolution du champ d'analyse de la science économique. Premièrement, dans un contexte marqué par la Guerre Froide, les économistes s'intéressèrent aux questions relevant du domaine traditionnel de la science politique, telles que celles du choix collectif. Deuxièmement, a partir du début des années 1960, mais surtout durant le mandat de Lyndon Johnson, les économistes s'intéressèrent progressivement à l'étude des problèmes sociaux en lien avec la notion de pauvreté, tels que la discrimination, l'éducation, le crime ou encore la santé. Enfin, dans les années 1970, le dernier stade de l'évolution des frontières de la science économique fut marqué par la disparition progressive de barrières thématiques a priori. Forts du succès de leurs analyses du politique et du social, certains économistes défendirent l'idée que leur discipline n'était plus définie par un domaine d'analyse, mais par ses outils.

This thesis studies the expansion of the scope of economics to the study of phenomena traditionally considered to lie outside of the domain of economics. We claim that such a development came with the expansion of the domain of government intervention from the late 1940s on, which raised interdisciplinary questions. What was considered to be "economic", "social" or "political" phenomena evolved and blurred. In return, this stimulated economists to overstep the traditional disciplinary boundaries. We identify three steps in the expansion of the scope of economics. First, in the context of the Cold War society, economists progressively studied political phenomena such as the problem of collective choice. Second, in the 1960s, and more precisely during Lyndon Johnson's presidency, economists became progressively interested in the study of social problems related to the notion of poverty, such as discrimination, education, crime or public health. Finally, in the 1970s, the last step of the development of the scope of economics was characterized by the progressive fading of any a priori disciplinary boundaries. Vindicated by the success of their economic approach to political and social phenomena, some economists argued that their discipline was not defined by its field of analysis, but rather by its tools. ; Cette thèse explore l'élargissement du champ d'analyse de la science économique hors de ses frontières traditionnelles, vers l'étude de phénomènes aussi divers que la discrimination, le comportement politique ou encore les comportements familiaux. Nous soutenons qu'une telle évolution s'accompagna de l'élargissement du domaine d'intervention de l'Etat aux Etats-Unis à partir de la deuxième moitié des années 1940, qui stimula l'émergence de questions « aux frontières » des sciences sociales. Ainsi, la perception de ce qui relève de l'économique, du social ou du politique s'en trouva brouillée. En retour, ces évolutions favorisèrent le franchissement des barrières disciplinaires par les économistes. Nous ...

This thesis studies the expansion of the scope of economics to the study of phenomena traditionally considered to lie outside of the domain of economics. We claim that such a development came with the expansion of the domain of government intervention from the late 1940s on, which raised interdisciplinary questions. What was considered to be "economic", "social" or "political" phenomena evolved and blurred. In return, this stimulated economists to overstep the traditional disciplinary boundaries. We identify three steps in the expansion of the scope of economics. First, in the context of the Cold War society, economists progressively studied political phenomena such as the problem of collective choice. Second, in the 1960s, and more precisely during Lyndon Johnson's presidency, economists became progressively interested in the study of social problems related to the notion of poverty, such as discrimination, education, crime or public health. Finally, in the 1970s, the last step of the development of the scope of economics was characterized by the progressive fading of any a priori disciplinary boundaries. Vindicated by the success of their economic approach to political and social phenomena, some economists argued that their discipline was not defined by its field of analysis, but rather by its tools. ; Cette thèse explore l'élargissement du champ d'analyse de la science économique hors de ses frontières traditionnelles, vers l'étude de phénomènes aussi divers que la discrimination, le comportement politique ou encore les comportements familiaux. Nous soutenons qu'une telle évolution s'accompagna de l'élargissement du domaine d'intervention de l'Etat aux Etats-Unis à partir de la deuxième moitié des années 1940, qui stimula l'émergence de questions « aux frontières » des sciences sociales. Ainsi, la perception de ce qui relève de l'économique, du social ou du politique s'en trouva brouillée. En retour, ces évolutions favorisèrent le franchissement des barrières disciplinaires par les économistes. Nous identifions trois étapes distinctes dans l'évolution du champ d'analyse de la science économique. Premièrement, dans un contexte marqué par la Guerre Froide, les économistes s'intéressèrent aux questions relevant du domaine traditionnel de la science politique, telles que celles du choix collectif. Deuxièmement, a partir du début des années 1960, mais surtout durant le mandat de Lyndon Johnson, les économistes s'intéressèrent progressivement à l'étude des problèmes sociaux en lien avec la notion de pauvreté, tels que la discrimination, l'éducation, le crime ou encore la santé. Enfin, dans les années 1970, le dernier stade de l'évolution des frontières de la science économique fut marqué par la disparition progressive de barrières thématiques a priori. Forts du succès de leurs analyses du politique et du social, certains économistes défendirent l'idée que leur discipline n'était plus définie par un domaine d'analyse, mais par ses outils.

International audience ; This article studies the few works James Buchanan wrote on education from the end of the 1950s to the early 1970s. These neglected works tell us important things about how Buchanan's ideas on constitutions evolved through time, because they provided Buchanan with the opportunity to apply his ideas about constitutions and, in return, nurture his theoretical thinking. Two historical developments were of importance in the evolution of Buchanan's thinking: the Southern reactions to the Supreme Court's injunction to desegregate public schools in the late 1950s, and, in the late 1960s, university unrest. We argue that Buchanan moved from a rather optimistic conception that constitutions complement market mechanisms, and constitutional manipulation can be tolerated if market mechanisms were sufficiently important to nonetheless let individuals do what they want, to a really pessimistic view – a constitution is absolutely necessary to control and even coerce behaviors. Behind these claims stands Buchanan's conception of what is a " good society " and of the role of the economist in its defense.

International audience ; This article studies the few works James Buchanan wrote on education from the end of the 1950s to the early 1970s. These neglected works tell us important things about how Buchanan's ideas on constitutions evolved through time, because they provided Buchanan with the opportunity to apply his ideas about constitutions and, in return, nurture his theoretical thinking. Two historical developments were of importance in the evolution of Buchanan's thinking: the Southern reactions to the Supreme Court's injunction to desegregate public schools in the late 1950s, and, in the late 1960s, university unrest. We argue that Buchanan moved from a rather optimistic conception that constitutions complement market mechanisms, and constitutional manipulation can be tolerated if market mechanisms were sufficiently important to nonetheless let individuals do what they want, to a really pessimistic view – a constitution is absolutely necessary to control and even coerce behaviors. Behind these claims stands Buchanan's conception of what is a " good society " and of the role of the economist in its defense.

International audience ; This article studies the few works James Buchanan wrote on education from the end of the 1950s to the early 1970s. These neglected works tell us important things about how Buchanan's ideas on constitutions evolved through time, because they provided Buchanan with the opportunity to apply his ideas about constitutions and, in return, nurture his theoretical thinking. Two historical developments were of importance in the evolution of Buchanan's thinking: the Southern reactions to the Supreme Court's injunction to desegregate public schools in the late 1950s, and, in the late 1960s, university unrest. We argue that Buchanan moved from a rather optimistic conception that constitutions complement market mechanisms, and constitutional manipulation can be tolerated if market mechanisms were sufficiently important to nonetheless let individuals do what they want, to a really pessimistic view – a constitution is absolutely necessary to control and even coerce behaviors. Behind these claims stands Buchanan's conception of what is a " good society " and of the role of the economist in its defense.